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Once upon a time this town was so important, the entire seaway was known as the Gulf of Berbera. Today it’s the Gulf of Aden, one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, a funnel almost 400 kilometres wide at the entrance where it meets the Indian Ocean, tapering to a narrow strait between Djibouti and Yemen, then on to the Red Sea and Suez.

If there’s a problem, it’s that Berbera — having passed through the Roman, Greek, Ottoman and British empires and fancied as a base for the Soviet fleet during the Cold War — is now in a country that doesn’t exist.

In 1961, the British territory of Somaliland gained independence and joined an unhappy union with greater Somalia. In 1991, it broke away and has fought a 30-year battle for recognition. Britain and the US have opened consulates, Taiwan has a trade office and Ethiopia has long used Berbera as a link to the coast.

But the new terminal built by Dubai firm DP World has potential to give Somaliland the kind of power no one can ignore. With a quay length of 400 metres and three ship-to-shore gantry cranes, it is now able to host the biggest container ships in the world.

For more than a century, the key stop for naval and merchant craft has been Djibouti where the US and China each have a military base, not far from the giant container terminal also built and operated by DP World.
Problems came in 2018 when Djibouti president, Ismaîl Guelleh nationalised the dock. The country has a poor record on human rights and, since independence from France in 1977, the only two presidents have been Guelleh and his uncle.

Push north and you’re in Eritrea, one of Africa’s last dictatorships and to the south is Somalia with a history of instability.

That leaves Berbera which, until now, was too small to handle the volume of shipping that plies the Gulf. The country’s president, His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi, President of Somaliland

“This is a proud and historic moment for Somaliland and its people, as the completion of the first phase has made our vision of establishing Berbera with its strategic location into a major trade hub in the region a reality. With the new terminal, along with the second phase of expansion and economic zone along the Berbera corridor, we are now firmly positioned to further develop and grow our economy through increased trade, attracting foreign direct investment and creating jobs”.

Since reestablishing its sovereignty, Somaliland has been a multiparty democracy (the only one on the Horn) and has had several changes of government through the ballot box. Elections are monitored by the US and the European Union and the media is more free than most across the continent.

The other advantage is that Somalilanders speak English, a plus for countries like India, Australia, Britain, South Africa and the UK who rely so heavily on the Suez Canal.

The Pentagon has its only permanent military base in Africa at Camp Lemmonier in Djibouti. In recent years, their relationship with Guelleh has become awkward, both on the question of human rights and because he has moved ever-closer to China. There has long been speculation that, if Somaliland won recognition at the UN, the Americans might move their troops to Berbera.

If there’s a difficulty, it’s that the last time the world accepted a split in an African state, it gave birth to South Sudan and an almost continuous civil war.

Like Taiwan or Northern Cyprus — both largely unrecognised but with
sovereign control of their affairs — Somaliland is a fact and no one seriously believes it might join again with Mogadishu. One thing that stands out to the visitor both in Berbera and the capital Hargeisa, is the support for independence. None of the groups pushing for unity with the south is taken seriously.

The harbour did not come cheap. In 2016, DP World signed a deal worth close on half-a-billion dollars to redevelop Berbera and run the terminal which would operate as a free-trade zone. The first phase of the work was completed this year and the opening ceremony on 24 July was hosted jointly by Somaliland president Muse Bhi and the chairman of DP World, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem.
Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem, DP World Group Chairman and CEO, said: “DP World’s investment in the Port of Berbera, and its integration with the special economic zone we are developing along the Berbera Corridor, reflects our confidence in Berbera and intent to develop it into a significant, world-class centre of trade. It will be a viable, efficient and competitive option for trade in the region, especially for Ethiopian transit cargo.

The region’s key power, Ethiopia is likely to be its major client. In 1993 after years of civil war, the coastal region of Eritrea was officially recognised as a sovereign state and its secession left Ethiopia landlocked. Since then, all trade has had to pass through neighbouring states; when Somaliland broke free, the government in Addis Ababa was the first to allow direct flights to Hargeisa.
With Somalia still recovering from conflict and both Djibouti and Eritrea well-short of democracy, the issue of recognition was put to one side. It’s less than a three-hour drive from Berbera to the Ethiopian border and a planned rail link will be even quicker.

Until now, the only limit has been capacity at the docks but the expansion has been drafted to cope with regional growth for the next 30 years

There’s an airport at Berbera with one of the world’s longest runways, built by the Russians who had plans for a military base that never materialised, then rented by NASA as an emergency landing pad for the Space Shuttle. With the new harbour and increased shipping, there are hopes of tourism and, ultimately, flights from Europe. The coast here is unspoiled with miles of empty beaches, coral reefs and temperatures that even in winter rarely dip below 28˚C.

By the first century AD, this was the go-to place for gold, copper, honey and fabric, carried by camel from the hinterland and shipped to Arabia. In the 1850s, a European explorer wrote of it as, “the true key to the Red Sea and the centre of East African traffic”.

Under the British, Berbera was the capital of Somaliland, with beachside restaurants and a busy nightlife, and in the early years of union with Somalia, more than half the country’s income was generated by goods shipped from here.

Somalia still claims sovereignty over all the former territory, but investors have long dismissed that idea. This confusion is made worse by the United States insisting that matters pertaining to Somaliland be dealt with by their embassy in Mogadishu.

When leaders from Hargeisa get the red carpet on visits to other African states or further afield, it’s followed by protest from Somalia which in 2019 severed diplomatic ties with Guinea after Somaliland’s president was given a welcome there befitting a head of state.

No one pays much attention, and there have been rumblings in Washington and London about recognition. The fear is it might encourage other parts of Somalia to break away and spur secessionist movements already active in Nigeria, Cameroon and northern Mozambique.

It’s a tough neighbourhood. Across the gulf lies Yemen, beyond that Israel and Lebanon with problems of their own. The region is short on water and has a young population, many without jobs. But it’s also the only route to the Suez Canal.

For its part, DP World is pushing ahead with further plans for Berbera. In a recent tweet, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem said his company will extend, “the new container terminal’s quay by more than twice its current length to a total of 1000 metres.”
With that done, capacity will rival Mombasa in Kenya, one of the busiest wharves in Africa. Historically it was called the Gulf of Berbera, and Berbera is taking back its place on the map.
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After the collapse of the Soviet system, already a little more than three decades, Russia has been struggle to raise its influence in Africa. The culmination of such efforts, inconsistent though, was the first Russia-Africa Summit that brought together African leaders, corporate businesses, academics and other experts to the Black Sea city of Sochi on October 23-24. Since 2019 Summit, Russian and African leaders have agreed on measures toward building a consolidated relations that explicitly reflected in their joint declaration, only little have been achieved.
Last November, for instance, a special report was presented under the title ‘Situation Analytical Report on Africa’ and was prepared by 25 policy experts, headed by Sergei A. Karaganov, Dean and Academic Supervisor of the Faculty of World Economy and International Relations of the National Research University’s Higher School of Economics (HSE University). Karaganov is also the Honorary Chairman of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defence Policy.
That policy report, however, praised the joint declaration adopted at the summit as it has raised the African agenda of Russia’s foreign policy to a new level. The historic declaration, so far, remains the main document determining the conceptual framework of Russian-African cooperation.
Some of the situation analysis participants, who contributed to the policy report, spoke very critically of Russia’s current policy towards Africa and even claimed that there was no consistent policy and/or consistency in the policy implementation at all. The intensification of political contacts is only with a focus on making them demonstrative. Russia’s foreign policy strategy regarding Africa needs to spell out and incorporate the development needs of African countries.
While the number of high-level meetings has increased, the share of substantive issues on the agenda remains small. There are little definitive results from such meetings. Apart from the absence of a public strategy for the continent, there is shortage of qualified personnel, the lack of coordination among various state and para-state institutions working with Africa.
The report lists insufficient and disorganized Russian-African lobbying, and combined with the lack of “information hygiene” at all levels of public speaking among the main flaws of Russia’s current Africa policy. Under the circumstance, Russia needs to compile its various ideas for cooperation with Africa into a single comprehensive and publicly available strategy to achieve more success with Africa.
Admittedly, there are various parameters of strengthening the relations with Africa. For the purpose of this article, we look at media cooperation with and in Africa. During the first Russia-Africa summit, there was a special panel discussion on media. The panelists and participants attempted to exhaustively, examine such questions as follows:
What issues are currently, encountered in the formation of the modern media landscape? What role does the media play in Russia-African relations? What are the prospects for collaboration in the information sphere? What needs to be done to develop a Russian media agenda in Africa? What is the role and place of Russia in the information space of Africa today?
Russian media resources, which are largely far from eminent in Africa, include Rossiya Sevogdnya (RIA Novosti, Voice of Russia and Russia Today), Itar-Tass News Agency and Interfax Information Service. Instead of prioritizing media cooperation with Africa, high-ranking Russian officials most often talk about information-war, the spread of anti-Russian propaganda by western and European media in Africa.
The fact is that the African continent is rapidly becoming ever more important in today’s international order. Russian-African relations are adding an additional dimension to developments, especially with the boost provided by rapidly expanding links across a vast range of areas. The media can, and indeed must be a decisive factor in building effective ties.
But unfortunately, Africa is frequently portrayed in the media as suffering from numerous intergovernmental, religious, and ethnic conflicts; political and economic instability; and an array of demographic and social problems. Knowledge of today’s Russia and the steps taken by its political leaders to tackle global challenges is also given little space in the continent’s media landscape.
Four years ago, acknowledging undoubtedly that Africa has become a new world center for global development, Russian legislators at the State Duma (the lower chamber) have advocated for a greater media representation to facilitate collecting important information to support business and economic cooperation with Africa.
Besides that, experts from the think-tank Valdai Discussion Club, academic researchers from the Institute for African Studies and independent policy observers have repeatedly suggested that authorities use Russia’s media resources available to support its foreign policy, promote its positive image, disseminate useful information about its current achievements and emerging economic opportunities, especially for the African public.
Here are the main reasons to consider the media also as a priority:
Reason One: Viacheslav Volodin, the chairman of the State Duma, told an instant meeting held, with participation of African diplomats, to brainstorm for fresh views on the current Russia-African relations: “it is necessary to take certain steps together for the Russian media to work on the African continent.”
“You know that the Russian media provide broadcasting in various languages, they work in many countries, although it is certainly impossible to compare this presence with presence of the media of the United States, United Kingdom and Germany,” he said as the ambassadors responded with a big applause.
Sharing additional matured sentiments and decisiveness about the media, Volodin added: “We propose to move from intentions to concrete steps. Our people will better understand each other through parliamentary relations.”
For the past few years, Russia has made some efforts returning with investment and business to Africa, but unfortunately, not all these steps have received adequate publicity. The presence of Russian media on the African continent and that of African media in the Russian Federation have been raised several times in the past by many policy experts.
Reason Two: Vladimir Shubin, deputy director of the Institute for African Studies in Moscow said that Africa has great potential for bilateral relationships with Russia and, most importantly, Russia’s contribution is very noticeable in dealing with the problems of Africa.
Perhaps, one of the reasons why some African leaders have written off Russia is the lack of information about Russia or rather plenty of distorted information they have received from the Western media coverage of Russia. In fact, Russia needs genuine and objective information about modern Africa, and here both state and private mass media linger a lot, according to Professor Shubin.
Reason Three: Olga Kulkova, a research fellow at the Center for Russian-African Relations at the Institute for African Studies, said that “Africa needs broader coverage in Russian media. Leading Russian media agencies should release more topical news items and analytical quality articles about the continent. Russia has to adequately collaborate with African partners and attract Russian business to Africa. More quality information about modern Russia should be broadcast in African states.”
“Indisputably, it takes a lot of money and efforts, but the result will pay off. Russia ought to take the media into account if it wants to improve the chances for success in Africa. All the leading countries have been doing that quite efficiently for a long time,” Kulkova noted.
Reason Four: While many experts argue that African media seem uninterested in developing working links to Russia, Vasily Pushkov, an independent expert on international media relations wrote in an emailed comment that “it works both ways and the two regions are very far from each other.” Russia and Africa are not as interconnected as they were during the Soviet era, he stressed.
Pushkov explained that “Russia might have an image problem among African political and business elites, partly due to the fact that Russia has low presence in Africa compared to the Soviet era. Most African media get their global news from the leading Western media outlets, which in turn have a nasty and longstanding habit of always portraying Russia as the world’s bogeyman.”
Reason Five: “Russian media write very little about Africa, what is going on there, what are the social and political dynamics in different parts of the continent. Media and NGOs should make big efforts to increase level of mutual knowledge, which can stimulate interest for each other and lead to increased economic interaction as well,” argues research professor Fyodor Lukyanov at the National Research University – Higher School of Economics, Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs, and editor-in-chief of the journal Russia in Global Affairs.
“To certain extent,” Lukyanov said, “the intensification of non-political contacts may contribute to increased interest. Soft power has never been on a strong side of Russian policy in post-Soviet era.”
Reason Six: The trend may change for the better. In a foreign policy speech, President Vladimir Putin urged all his Russian ambassadors and diplomats actively use new technologies to highlight Russian success stories, improve Russia’s image and defend its interests abroad, according to Russian daily newspaper Kommersant, quoting an official who attended the meeting.
“It’s not enough to just crow something once… We should explain our positions again and again, using various platforms and new media technologies, until they understand,” the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, quoted Putin as saying.
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With a population of nearly 20 million people, the Republic of Mali is a landlocked country located on rivers of Senegal and Niger in West Africa. Since its independence from the French colony, it has had not only persistent political and governance problems, but also difficulties in tapping its existing resources and poor economic policies resulting in largely under-development in the country.
As well-known facts, two military coups have taken place in Mali since August 2020. The first one, which occurred on August 18, 2020, ousted President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. Interim President Bah Ndaw was removed from power by the military on May 26, 2021, while Deputy President Assimi Goita became Mali’s Transition President based on the Constitutional Court’s order.
Col. Assimi Goita and his government have halted diplomatic relations with France, moved closer to Russia. Mali is a shady remote country and Moscow is highly interested in exploring natural resources, has mining concession agreements in exchange for military weapons and equipment. The military is keen on fight what it termed “active terrorist groups” in the country. On the other hand, Moscow is aggressively moving its military-technical cooperation and military ties, and shows the desire to ensure the country’s defense capabilities, especially in the face of the persisting terrorist threat in the region.
According to several reports especially from Associated Press, AFP, Reuters and DW as well as BBC, Mali’s authorities has an agreement with the Russian private military company Wagner Group that replaced the French military. Reuters reported that the contract could be worth $10.8 million a month. Mali has taken delivery of military equipment and a few hundreds of military experts and instructors are operating in the country.
As has been in the past, under the new military leadership harrowing accounts of human rights have emerged. In addition, the late March massacre of about 300 people in the village Malian village of Moura became very questionable, called for international condemnation and most importantly thorough systematic investigations to ascertain the primary causes, the implications and possibly to take punitive actions.
For the African Union and ECOWAS, the scale and gravity of Mali’s military leadership violating human rights, of course, is a strong signal to hold them for responsible for this crimes which many have described reports and images of civilian killings as disturbing.
Joseph Siegle, Director of Research and Daniel Eizenga, Research Fellow at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, co-authored an article headlined “Russia’s Wagner Play Undermines the Transition in Mali” in which they highlighted Wagner’s potential entry into Mali, and it reminds how the group started operating, and later grossly involved in human rights abuses in the Central African Republic.
The two researchers have several times suggested to the Security Council of the African Union and ECOWAS to invoke the African Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism, which went into effect in 1985, prohibiting states from allowing mercenaries into their territories. Declaring Wagner a mercenary force identifies them, appropriately, as an illegal entity, one that should be categorically prohibited from operating in Mali (and other parts of Africa).
Human Rights Watch (HRW) noted that Malian forces and foreign fighters killed 300 civilians in Moura, late March, in what it called “the worst single atrocity reported in Mali’s decade-long armed conflict.” Several witnesses and other sources identified the foreign soldiers as Russians to HRW.
According to the report, the massacre took place over four days, with the vast majority of the victims being ethnic Fulanis group. Moura is small provincial town, which has a population of around 10,000, has been the epicenter of conflict-related violence. “The soldiers patrolled through town, executing several men as they tried to flee, and detaining hundreds of unarmed men from the market and their homes. The incident is the worst single atrocity reported in Mali’s decade-long armed conflict,” the HRW report said.
“Abuses by armed Islamist groups is no justification at all for the military’s deliberate slaughter of people in custody. The Malian government is responsible for this atrocity — the worst in Mali in a decade — whether carried out by Malian forces or associated foreign soldiers,” the report said.
Russia has supplied what officially described as military instructors to Mali. There are no doubts that neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger are also looking for such deals with Moscow. The United States, France and others say the instructors are operatives from the Russian private security firm Wagner.
Richard Mills, the US Deputy Ambassador to the UN, told the Security Council of the United Nations it was “exactly why the United States continues to warn countries against partnering with the Kremlin-linked Wagner Group.”
Britain and France pointed out that Russian mercenaries allegedly involved. Several witnesses and other sources identified the foreign soldiers as Russians. France’s U.N. Ambassador Nicolas De Riviere cited reports of human rights violations in Moura by elements of the Malian armed forces “accompanied by Russian mercenaries from the Wagner Group” that could constitute war crimes.
He called for national and international investigations open quickly and for U.N. peacekeeping mission known as MINUSMA to conduct its own unhindered investigation to establish the facts and report to the Security Council.
Britain’s Deputy U.N. Ambassador James Kariuki said that “the United Kingdom is horrified by a surge of human rights abuses since the deployment of the Wagner group to Mali,” and by the killings during the army’s counterterrorism operations in Moura “with the alleged involvement of the Wagner Group.”
He said the latest reports from Moura “underline the extent of Russia’s malign activity which is damaging efforts to address peace and security beyond Ukraine,” and demanded that MINUSMA carry out its human rights mandate and investigate all allegations.
United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has called on the Malian army and its “bilateral partners” — widely interpreted as an implicit reference to Russian mercenaries — to respect their international obligations amid growing concerns over human rights violations.
As a developing country, it ranks at the bottom of the United Nations Development Index (2020 report). Many regional and foreign organizations have repeatedly urged further urged the military leaders to take efforts towards resolving outstanding political issues especially those relating transition to constitutional elected government and observe strictly the laid down principles of democracy. The Republic of Mali is under ECOWAS sanctions and has been stripped off the membership of the African Union (AU) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
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Widespread sexual violence against women and girls in conflict is being fueled by systemic impunity, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan said on Monday.
The Commission’s new report, based on interviews conducted with victims and witnesses over several years, describes a “hellish existence for women and girls”, with widespread rape being perpetrated by all armed groups across the country.
According to the UN Commission, sexual violence has been instrumentalized as a reward and entitlement for youth and men participating in conflict.
The goal is to inflict maximum disruption of the fabric of communities, including through their constant displacement, the report continues.
Rape is often used as “part of military tactics for which government and military leaders are responsible, either due to their failure to prevent these acts, or for their failure to punish those involved”, the Commission advanced.
“It is outrageous and completely unacceptable that women’s bodies are systematically used on this scale as the spoils of war,” declared Yasmin Sooka, Chair of the UN Commission.
Calling for urgent and demonstrable action by authorities, Ms. Sooka said: “South Sudanese men must stop regarding the female body as ‘territory’ to be owned, controlled and exploited.”
Sexual violence survivors have detailed “staggeringly brutal and prolonged gang rapes” perpetrated against them by multiple men, often while their husbands, parents or children have been forced to watch, helpless to intervene.
Women of all ages recounted being raped multiple times while other women were also being raped around them, and a woman raped by six men said she was even forced to tell her assailants that the rape had been “good”, threatening to rape her again if she refused.
The resultant traumas “ensure the complete destruction of the social fabric”, the UN Commission said.
“Anyone reading the details of this horrific report can only begin to imagine what life is like for the survivors. These accounts are unfortunately just the tip of the iceberg. Everyone, inside and outside governments, should be thinking what they can do to prevent further acts of sexual violence and to provide adequate care for the survivors,” said Andrew Clapham, member of the Commission.
A woman described her friend being raped by a man in the forest who then said he wanted to continue to ‘have fun’ and further raped her with a firewood stick until she bled to death. Teenage girls described being left for dead by their rapists while bleeding heavily.
Medical personnel also report that many survivors have been raped multiple times throughout their lifetime.
The report also describes women often bearing children as a result of rape, and notes that in many cases, survivors have contracted sexually transmitted infections including being infected with HIV.
Following rape and pregnancy, women are often abandoned by husbands and families, and left destitute. Some of those raped while pregnant, have suffered miscarriages.
Husbands searching for abducted wives and daughters often spend years not knowing their fate, with some learning they were abducted by men from rival ethnic groups and forced to bear multiple children – one such man was so traumatized, he wanted to take his own life.
The Commission reported that these attacks were not random opportunistic incidents, but usually involved armed soldiers actively hunting down women and girls, with rape carried out during attacks on villages, systematic and widespread.
The Commission said the failure of political elites to deal with security sector reform, and to provide for the very basic needs of armed forces on all sides, continues to contribute to a permissive environment in which South Sudanese women are regarded as currency.
With near-universal impunity for rape and sexual violence, perpetrators avoid accountability.
Calling on the Government of South Sudan and its obligation to end impunity for serious crimes, the Commission noted the recent Government initiatives to address sexual violence in conflict, including establishing a special court and holding military justice proceedings.
While welcoming such measures, the Commission also said, “they remain woefully inadequate given the scale and extent of crimes”.
“It is scandalous that senior officials implicated in violence against women and girls, including cabinet ministers and governors, are not immediately removed from office and held accountable.
To address this pervasive violence in conflict and other contexts, those in positions of command and other authority must promptly and publicly adopt a ‘zero tolerance’ policy towards sexual and gender-based violence.” said Barney Afako, member of the Commission.
To grasp the full impact of conflict-related sexual violence, it is also necessary to understand the social and cultural context in which sexual violence occurs, under patriarchal systems based on domination and gender discrimination.
Half of all South Sudanese women are married off before they reach 18, and the country has the highest maternal mortality rate in the world.
Sexual and gender-based violence is also common outside of conflict, affecting women and girls amongst all segments of society.
The Commission is calling on the authorities in South Sudan to take the necessary steps to stop sexual violence against women and girls, by addressing impunity and the drivers of conflict and insecurity.
The UN Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan is an independent body mandated by the UN Human Rights Council. It was first established in March 2016.
The Commission is mandated to investigate the situation of human rights in South Sudan, and to determine and report the facts and circumstances of human rights violations and abuses, including by clarifying responsibility for violations and abuses that are crimes under national and or international law.
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